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09 01 Understanding Indexes

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Deutsche had become the biggest operator in this market, which were a form of credit derivative designed to behave like the most senior tranche of a CDO.

The risk of Deutsche taking large losses if the collateral was wiped out in a crisis was called the gap option. Simpson claims that traders were not simply understating the gap option but actively mismarking the value of their trades.

Deutsche Bank has negligible exposure to Greece. Spain and Italy however account for a tenth of its European private and corporate banking business.

It needs to get its common equity tier-1 capital ratio up to As of September it stands at In June , the then co-CEOs, Jürgen Fitschen and Anshu Jain, both offered their resignations [66] to the bank's supervisory board, which were accepted.

Jain's resignation took effect in June , but he provided consultancy to the bank until January Fitschen continued as joint CEO until May In November , the bank had their Frankfurt offices raided by police in connection with ongoing investigations around the Panama papers and money laundering.

Deutsche Bank released a statement confirming it would "cooperate closely with prosecutors". During the Annual General Meeting in May , CEO Christian Sewing said he was expecting a "deluge of criticism" about the bank's performance and announced that he was ready to make "tough cutbacks" [72] after the failure of merger negotiations with Commerzbank AG and weak profitability.

According to the New York Times , "its finances and strategy [are] in disarray and 95 percent of its market value [has been] erased". On the previous day, Sewing had laid blame on unnamed predecessors who created a "culture of poor capital allocation" and chasing revenue for the sake of revenue, according to a Financial Times report, and promised that going forward, the bank "will only operate where we are competitive".

Instead the board was represented by a speaker of the board. Deutsche Bank is one of the leading listed companies in German post-war history.

As the share had lost value since mid and market capitalization had shrunk to around EUR 18 billion, it temporarily withdrew from the Euro Stoxx 50 on 8 August In , Deutsche Bank sold its stake in the joint company to Commerzbank.

The CIB comprises the below six units. In , the bank created the world-known blue logo "Slash in a Square" — designed by Anton Stankowski and intended to represent growth within a risk-controlled framework.

Deutsche Bank in general as well as specific employees have frequently figured in controversies and allegations of deceitful behavior or illegal transactions.

Six former employees were accused of being involved in a major tax fraud deal with CO 2 emission certificates, and most of them were subsequently convicted.

Deutsche Bank itself was not convicted due to an absence of corporate liability laws in Germany. From as late as to at least , the bank engaged in covert espionage on its critics.

The bank has admitted to episodes of spying in and directed by its corporate security department, although characterizing them as "isolated".

The Cleary firm has concluded its investigation and submitted its report, which however has not been made public.

The plan was allegedly cancelled after the intern was hired but before she started work. In May , Deutsche Bank informed the public that the executive management had learned about possible violations that occurred in past years of the bank's internal procedures or legal requirements in connection with activities involving the bank's corporate security department.

The principal findings by the law firm, published in July , [99] found four incidents that raised legal issues, such as data protection or privacy concerns.

In all incidents, the activities arose out of certain mandates performed by external service providers on behalf of the Bank's Corporate Security Department.

The incidents were isolated, no systemic misbehaviour was found and there was no indication that present members of the Management Board had been involved in any activity that raises legal issues or has had any knowledge of such activities.

It was one of several banks described as colluding to fix interest rates used to price hundreds of trillions of dollars of loans and contracts worldwide, including mortgages and student loans.

It was required to dismiss all employees who were involved with the fraudulent transactions. In a Libor first, Deutsche Bank will be required to install an independent monitor.

One division at Deutsche Bank had a culture of generating profits without proper regard to the integrity of the market. This wasn't limited to a few individuals but, on certain desks, it appeared deeply ingrained.

Department of Justice over its sale and pooling of toxic mortgage securities in the years leading up to the financial crisis. At the time of the agreement, Deutsche Bank was still facing investigations into the alleged manipulation of foreign exchange rates, suspicious equities trades in Russia, as well as alleged violations of U.

In addition to the payment, the bank will install an independent monitor, fire six employees who were involved in the incident, and ban three other employees from any work involving the bank's US-based operations.

Environmentalists criticize Deutsche Bank for co-financing the controversial Dakota Access Pipeline , which is planned to run close to an Indian reservation and is seen as a threat to their livelihood by its inhabitants.

Deutsche Bank has issued a statement addressing the criticism it received from various environmental groups. The New York Times reported in May that anti-money laundering specialists in the bank detected what appeared to be suspicious transactions involving entities controlled by Trump and his son-in-law Jared Kushner , for which they recommended filing suspicious activity reports with the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network of the Treasury Department , but bank executives rejected the recommendations.

One specialist noted money moving from Kushner Companies to Russian individuals and flagged it in part because of the bank's previous involvement in a Russian money-laundering scheme.

On 19 November , Thomas Bowers, a former Deutsche Bank executive and head of the American wealth management division, was reported to have committed suicide in his Malibu home.

Documents on those loans have also been subpoenaed from Deutsche Bank by the House Democrats together with the financial documents of the president.

A relationship between Bowers's responsibilities and apparent suicide has not been established; the Los Angeles County Medical Examiner — Coroner has closed the case, giving no indication to wrongdoing by third parties.

Deutsche Bank lent money and traded currencies for the well-known sex offender Jeffrey Epstein up to May , long after Epstein's guilty plea in Florida to soliciting prostitution from underage girls, according to news reports.

The bank found suspicious transactions in which Epstein moved money out of the United States, the Times reported.

The bank had "ignored red flags on Epstein". From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. German banking and financial services company.

Banking Financial services. Investment banking Corporate banking Asset management Commercial banking. Operating income. Net income. See also: Financial crisis of —08 and European debt crisis.

Main article: European sovereign-debt crisis. See also: Libor scandal. See also: Financial crisis of — See also: Dakota Access Pipeline protests.

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Sueddeutsche kueche. Sueddeutsche majong. Sueddeutsche online. Sueddeutsche sudoku. Eines der beliebtesten Rätsel der Welt: Sudoku!

Ein Sudoku besteht aus drei mal drei Quadraten, die jeweils wieder dreimal drei Felder haben. In jedem dieser Neuner-Quadrate, aber auch in jeder Zeile und jeder Spalte müssen alle Zahlen von 1 bis 9 vorkommen.

Der Rest ist Logik und viel Ausprobieren. Doch aufgepasst - nur wer schnell ist, sammelt Punkte. Strache also repeatedly brought up the connection to campaign assistance.

In one instance, he turned to his companion Gudenus so that he could translate something for the purported Russian: "Tell her that if she takes over the Kronen Zeitung three weeks before the election and boosts us to first place, then everything is up for discussion.

If she takes over the Krone Zeitung and is able to give us a punch three weeks before the election, then we can talk about everything.

We would always find a way to figure it out. They responded that they didn't just want public tenders -- they also wanted "public contracts with a surcharge" — overpriced to their advantage.

Strache answered with an extended "Jaaaa. That pledge came from the same man who had just stated that he wouldn't do anything illegal.

That legality was sacred to him and that was his greatest strength. The same man who, in a different part of the video, said he was against inflated prices, that the FPÖ always wanted the best for the country, that this desire was part of the party's idealism.

The video essentially shows a dance, one in which the two decoys continually tried to push Strache right to the edge of what is permissible — and beyond.

In doing so, they repeatedly made extremely clear what they were after: corrupt business deals. The woman explains, that in her practice it is like this: "You put something into it, you give it to someone, you buy a vote.

Then this vote makes something to your advantage. Over and over again, they listed the countries in Eastern Europe that they claimed had agreed to such deals.

Most of the time, Strache remained steadfast: In Austria, he said more than once, things are done differently — passages that were so innocuous that they could have been written by a press spokesman.

It was clear that he would have preferred it had the Russian woman been satisfied with vague, non-specific pledges.

At the same time, though, he was apparently wary of driving her away. The confidant of the supposed Russian woman ultimately asked in an exasperated tone: "Just so I understand correctly: Should I tell her that she can expect nothing in return et cetera?

Then Strache explained how it should work, gesticulating with an unlit cigarette between his fingers: "She needs to tell us that she is interested in this line of business and that line of business and the other line of business.

Like that. And then we'll take a look at what is most beneficial" and "what fits. Throughout the evening, the FPÖ men and the supposed Russian woman spoke about a number of different ideas, all of which essentially focused on one thing: How could the woman allegedly named Alyona Makarova funnel her money into Austria?

Some of the offers made were harmless, such as when Strache suggested she buy up hotels — "awesome, awesome run-down hotels" near good ski resorts "because you can turn them into something.

Things got a bit more tenuous when Strache offered to use the contacts he — and here, the word "allegedly" is perhaps appropriate as well — has almost everywhere in the world.

He quickly added that he probably didn't need to make his Russian contacts available since his counterpart likely already had "good contacts in Russia, probably to Putin.

He said he had been invited to go to China soon, adding that in the country, they like to see political and economic issues in the same hands.

He explained that he understood that to mean that the Chinese wanted to know from him who they should be doing business with in Austria. And he could, of course, make suggestions.

Strache even offered the Russian woman a business area the FPÖ had always vilified: the water supply system. Officially, the FPÖ boss had always been clear on the issue: Water should be "neither a source of profit for companies nor capital for speculators.

Back in April , Johann Gudenus had unleashed a storm of indignation against the SPÖ in Vienna, accusing them of a "red privatization obsession," red being the color generally associated with the center-left party.

One of the examples he used was a water source that had been leased by the city of Vienna to a private company in for commercial use.

After the water offer, Strache and Gudenus offered that the Russian woman could get involved in the gambling market, saying they wanted to break up the monopoly in that area, anyway.

At some point, of course, the question came up as to what, exactly, Strache and Gudenus wanted. After all, they had shown themselves to be more than willing to help the Russian woman find a home for her money in Austria.

One of their desires was clear: They wanted support for their campaign from the Krone Zeitung. And then Strache and Gudenus threw out another idea: "If she wants," Strache said twice, "if she likes the idea," she could make a donation to the party.

If not, then not. The political donation issue is problematic on two fronts. On the one hand, political parties in Austria are not allowed to accept donations from foreigners in excess of 2, euros — and one can assume that Strache might have been expecting a bit more than that from a Russian multimillionaire.

On the other hand, Strache and Gudenus didn't intend for her to donate money directly to the FPÖ — as they said repeatedly — but "through the association.

Strache was quite clear about why the Russian woman should donate to the association instead of directly to the party.

When you donate to the party, he said, "it gets reported to the Court of Audits" and "nobody wants that. It is a not-for-profit association, with three lawyers.

It has a charter: making Austria more economically competitive. In Russian, Gudenus reaffirms how secret all this is: nobody would know anything about this association.

Earlier that evening, Gudenus had already claimed that other parties take advantage of the donation loophole as well. Perhaps that's why Strache and he were so open — because they believed that everyone does it anyway.

The FPÖ has been fulminating for years against large donors, making a donation from the Russian woman via the association doubly attractive: It wouldn't be made public.

And here, the meeting in Ibiza revealed yet more murk: If what Strache described is true, then his party has long since established such a system.

According to Strache, another of the donors was the gambling machine company Novomatic. Heinz-Christian Strache and Johann Gudenus, meanwhile, told the Süddeutsche that the donations were never actually received and that they had been clear about the legal restrictions applying "to all potential donations.

The way in which Strache spoke openly to the alleged niece of a Russian oligarch — a woman whom he had never met before — about allegedly covert party donations was one of the strangest parts of the video.

The scene was also memorable when Gudenus, as he was translating the list of the alleged donors for the Russians, stood in the middle of the room and shaped his hands in the form of a pistol when speaking of Glock.

For most of the video, it didn't appear that the FPÖ politicians were at all suspicious that the entire meeting could actually be a ruse.

There were, though, a couple of moments when Strache suddenly looked around, apparently examining the walls as though looking for a hidden camera.

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